Unpacking boxes lately, I came across an old undergraduate
essay I wrote for my dear teacher Ronald T. Ridley, in his Roman historiography course in the Department of History at the University of Melbourne in about 1984
or 1985. I was amazed, upon re-reading it, to discover that in a way it anticipated by a
good 25 years part of the subject matter of my last book, because in my essay (typed with a liberal snow of white-out) I
discuss the famous statue of the Emperor Augustus that was excavated in 1863
at Prima Porta, a few miles north of Rome. Something of that topic must have
lodged permanently at the back of my mind, though I am quite sure that while I
was writing The Finger: A Handbook I had no conscious recollection of it, none whatsoever.
Indeed I seem to have worked back over some of the same ground, and arrived at different conclusions.
In my essay, I wrote: “Augustus is often said
to adopt the stance of adlocutio, that is, the posture in which a Roman general
addressed his troops. The outstretched arm which is typical of the pose stems
rather abruptly from the shoulder without the complex muscular reactions that
accommodate the out-stretched limb in Greek sculpture (in the Polykleitian Diadoumenos,
for example). These are in any case concealed beneath armour, but most other respects the sculpture satisfies what has been described as the Roman
“appendage aesthetic.” There can be little doubt that the arm’s position was
conditioned by its iconographical purpose rather than by the overall compositional
conception of the sculptor(s).
In Latin the term manus is applied not only to the hand as a
member of the body, but also to “the various potencies of the hand,” to express
states of emotion, and to indicate all kinds of political and social
relationship. The phrases which refer to political and legal “yielding,”
“assistance,” and “force” all make use of the term manus where they appear in
Livy, Tacitus, Sallust, and others. The manumissio or release of a slave from
the manus or domination of his master is another example of the extension of
the term. All kinds of obligations were made legal by the handshake, the
dextrarum junctio, or by the pouring of a libation. It was possible, before
entering a contract, to send dextras, right hands in effigy, to invite the
other party to a renewed handclasp. Livy’s description of C. Mucius Scaevola’s
act of thrusting his right hand into the flames on which Porsenna had ordered
him to die (L 2.12-13, 506 B.C.), receives particular attention. Thomas Cranmer probably knew the story also. Similarly,
when Ovid describes Ulysses’ entry into the house of Circe, he is careful to
emphasize the hero’s handclasp with the sorceress, a pledge, at least on one level, of good faith (Met.
14.292 ff). The handclasp stemmed from a particularly ancient form of magic,
and the disembodied hand image was used again and again in ancient ritual. On Greek grave
stelai, for example, the handclasp stands for the continuing bond between the living
and the dead. The Roman hand image also had an apotropaic function, as it appears on
a metal plate once affixed to a ship. Above all, the appearance of disembodied clasping
hands on coinage and their relationship with the concepts of fides and concordia shows the full extent to which the gesture was synonymous with and even shorthand for
abstract political ideas.
Books about oratory shed further light on the powerful Roman awareness of the semantics of gesture. In his Institutio Oratoria, Quintilian wrote at length
about the importance to the orator of countenance. “Gesture is productive of
grace” (11.3.65); “the greatest influence is exercised by the glance”
(11.3.72), and by the attitude of the eyebrows (11.3.78). Most importantly, he
prescribed precise gestures for different types of speech (11.3.84; 92).
Quoting from Cicero’s De Oratore (2.45.188), Quintilian covered various gestures
deployed for different purposes—including those of the feet, and the fingers (11.3.124
ff; 137 ff).
The only snag is that we cannot now know for certain
whether the Prima Porta Augustus was actually made to adopt the adlocutio mode, because all of the fingers of the right hand (except for the ring
finger) have been found to be modern restorations. This would certainly make sense archaeologically, because it would be almost perverse for the hand to have survived intact, even only through the course of being imperfectly unearthed and brought by cart to the Vatican. It is therefore quite possible that this statue of Augustus may have originally
held a spear or a wreath in the right hand, so the meaning of the statue would have
been quite different from that of military commander addressing either his notional troops or a real
crowd of passers-by.
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