Showing posts with label N. M. Rothschild and Sons. Show all posts
Showing posts with label N. M. Rothschild and Sons. Show all posts

Saturday, January 26, 2013

The bonds

For some time I have been interested in the sub-branch of numismatics known as scripophily, the art of Gilded Age stock and bond certificates. In most cases these were listed in the conventional way and publicly traded in many jurisdictions. Owners of such financial instruments fell into two main groups—registered holders and “bearers.” Bearer status meant that the bond in question could change hands in transactions that were not necessarily known to the issuer, but could be redeemed later by whoever legally held the scrip. Obviously the methods of engraving the designs on steel plates and then printing them on high-quality paper ran exactly parallel with the production of bank notes. Their complexity was primarily driven by considerations of security, i.e. protection against forgers. The art form certainly reached its apogee in the Edwardian age, but unlike many bank notes the art of stock and bond certificates has since then declined. Those of us fortunate enough to own a modest number of such investments today hold them, relatively speaking, in the ether, and breathe silent prayers that such an arrangement is sufficiently secure. We have seen in recent years that there are no absolute guarantees, and the current price of gold reflects a correspondingly hot desire for intrinsic value. A precious certificate or bill is, of course, only intrinsically valuable in the sense that it stands for what we like to think is a legally binding promise to pay the bearer. I suppose it is better than nothing.

The scarcity of these splendid old bond certificates is simple to explain. Bond markets flourished in the second half of the nineteenth century when impecunious governments raised capital by selling promises to pay back more at fixed interest rates maturing in ten, twenty, thirty, or however many years. Incidentally, this is how the Treasury Department in Washington, D.C., is currently keeping the United States afloat, but 100 years ago there was a massive public infrastructure rationale. Peru, Ecuador, Brazil and Argentina wanted railways. So did China and Japan. Bankers such as N. M. Rothschild and Sons in New Court, St. Swithin’s Lane, in the City of London, negotiated the terms of the bond issue. They also engaged one of a handful of respectable firms of bank-note manufacturers to create the bond certificates, and then sold them to investors. The bank charged a commission (at both ends) but generally bought a stack of bonds also, so they profited in several mutually sustaining ways. With luck Peru and the rest got their railways, and many other multinational mining companies, property developers, and railway builders prospered. Rothschilds invested in all such concerns. It was a whirring financial steam engine. When redeemed by the investor, the bond certificate was afterwards cancelled or destroyed. However, in a number of celebrated instances when the issuer of the bond defaulted, and defaulted spectacularly, as did the Imperial Chinese government in its death throes, bond holders were left holding the certificates. There was nothing to stop the continuing, highly speculative trade in these, and for many years they were bought and sold, drifting poisonously around the markets until history proved their worthlessness, except, of course, as mementoes mori, and, these days, as oftentimes quite astonishing works of the art of master printing and engraving. 

The finest examples exploited the skills of a handful of skilled artisans specializing in attenuated and at times barely legible letter-forms, a froth of curly-cues or, for various dignified headings, the blocky silhouetted typographical equivalents of Stonehenge or the Parthenon. Others worked solely on decorative figures, ghostly bas relief arabesques, medallions, rosettes, garlands, cornucopias, stamps, quatrefoils, and Rococo cartouches containing scenes and motifs directly relevant to the investment for which the certificate stood in loco. There was simply no limit to the decorative vocabulary. Most exempla were conceived as precious hand-illuminated addresses, couched within a wide border strongly reminiscent of the most opulent carved and gilded Louis Napoleon picture frames. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century an ingenious method was invented for producing these mechanically with a sharp chasing wheel controlled by a smooth gear system. This produced the dizzying spirals and intricate guilloche swirls that, it was presumed, no forger could possibly hope to replicate. Thenceforth the border exchanged the pomposity of the picture frame for an equally pompous abstract ornament, proudly technological. There were, in addition, distinct layers or registers of detail produced by the application of up to five or six subtly different colors laid down on separate plates in exact conformation, and, crucially, watermarks also, meaning that the design of the certificate penetrated into the fabric of the paper itself, exactly like bank notes. Black, pea green, plum, rose, eau de nil, chartreuse, and Naples yellow. These were extremely sophisticated techniques of manufacture, and, in the case of Chinese and Japanese bonds, calligraphy and even seals were reproduced even to the point of taking account of the imperfection with which the issuing signatories applied their brushes to the original documents, or the sticky red ink from their jade or hardstone seals.

Scripophily has grown into a vigorous branch of connoisseurship practiced by retired stockbrokers, bankers, and other people interested in the history of finance. Yet I think these ostentatious relics of Gilded Age commerce offer historians of art something more profound. Bond certificates aspired to the dignity of a royal charter, a high warrant, letters patent, even a papal bull. They seem determined to endow the mechanisms of international credit with the awesomeness one might expect from the design of a baroque basilica, and even something of the mystique. Instead of the great seal of the prince, the chancellor, or the pontiff, we find their fin-de-siecle equivalent: the signs manual of now-forgotten ministers of finance, the haughty imprimatur of bankers and brokers who carried almost equal authority but had at their disposal far more money and credit than had ever existed. The bonds are imposingly large. They represent a shift in emphasis from a form of capitalism in tune with Rossini to something more akin to Wagner. Their imagery trumpets a vast expansion in synthesized credit, and, at times, a pig-iron weight of seriousness. The bearer of a one-hundred-pound bond for the 5% Hukuang Railways Sinking Fund Gold Loan of 1911, for example, was possessed of rather more than £100 (plus 5% in due course). It was as if he, she, or it (in the case of institutional investors) were granted a coat of arms, a personal impresa of knighthood in the chivalrous pursuit of that Holy Grail of potentially unlimited profit, as yet unimpeded by the hideous impostures of tax.

In the equivalent, bleak pursuit of pure profit today, all we have to pass back and forth are pitiful shards of plastic, cash, and data.

Saturday, July 21, 2012

Gold


In connection with my increasingly absorbing work on gold, specifically the gold pouring out of Central Victoria and into the Royal Mint Refinery, leased in 1852 to the firm of N. M. Rothschild and Sons, New Court, St. Swithin’s Lane, yesterday I came across a copy of the relevant portion of the catalogue of the Victorian display at the Philadelphia International Exhibition of 1876. What caught my eye was the section listing a display of facsimiles of no fewer than 24 gold nuggets, some of them enormous, that were unearthed in Victoria between 1858 and 1875, a valuable reminder that discoveries of huge quantities of gold continued steadily and in many respects simply accelerated for a period of two decades after the initial rush that commenced in July and August 1851.

Of the 24 surrogates in Philadelphia, twenty stood for gold nuggets that originally weighed 30 oz. or more; eleven 100 oz. or more; and three more than a staggering 884 oz. The largest discovery was that of the amazing 2,283-ounce, 6-pennyweight and 9-grain “Welcome Stranger” nugget, measuring approximately 24 by 12 inches, which was discovered at a depth of only one and a half inches beneath the surface about nine miles away from Dunolly, on February 5, 1869, still the largest gold nugget ever found. No scales were large or strong enough to weigh the whole thing, so a local blacksmith had to break it into three separate pieces on his anvil. Alas it no longer exists, except in facsimile.

Of the 24 nuggets, eight were recovered at depths beneath the surface of 10 feet or less; fourteen deeper than 10, of which ten were found at depths of 100 feet or more. This simply reflects the development of more ambitious mining techniques than those practiced by the earliest licensed diggers. Of these ten, the deepest (307 feet) was the 77-ounce “Lothair” nugget found in 1875 at Clunes.

Five nuggets were found at Creswick between 1871 and 1875; four at the Berlin Diggings between 1870 and 1872; three at Bendigo between 1858 and 1875; three at Dunolly between 1869 and 1872; two at Ballarat in 1858; two at Maryborough (1873) and one each at Turton’s Creek (in South Gippsland, 1873), Smythesdale (not far from Ballarat, 1873), Upper Boggy Creek (modern Tinamba, 1873), and Buninyong (1875). Ten nuggets were found to contain gold of 22.2 carats or more, eight of 23 carats or more, and two of 23.3, in other words of exceptional purity and concentration.

Bear in mind that all but three of these nuggets were discovered long after 25.2 million ounces (787 tons) of gold had already been shipped from Melbourne to London in the ten years between 1851 and 1861. Official records indicate that over 1,300 nuggets weighing 20 ounces or more were found on the goldfields of Victoria. Of these, 400 weighed more than 100 ounces. An Eldorado indeed, and, together with new discoveries in South Africa towards the end of the nineteenth century, enough to anchor, indeed define the value of the pound sterling until the abandonment of the gold standard in 1933. 

It has lately been estimated that the entire quantity of gold removed from the soil of all five continents throughout the history of mining and money ought to fill a cube whose sides measure the length of a cricket pitch (22 yards), in other words a fraction more than 496 million cubic inches, considerably more than 52.8 million troy ounces, which according to my calculation adds up to a little more than $83.4 billion at today’s still comparatively inflated price of $1,580 per ounce. 90% of that has been mined since the establishment of Johannesburg. That 10% of the earlier global stock of gold bullion was through the long nineteenth century more than enough (with silver) to support most of the value of global currencies, and a good proportion of the whole economy. Interestingly, what has not changed in more than 100 years is the general global pattern of consumption of gold. Gold has always flowed in huge quantities into India (just as silver has long flowed into China), in return for everything else: gemstones, tea, coffee, spices, cotton, jute, yarns, silks, grain, etc. And India still remains the hungriest market for gold. In 2010 the total consumer demand of 963.1 tonnes (roughly 3 million troy ounces) represented a growth of 66% relative to 2009, largely driven by the cheap jewellery trade. This was worth approximately $38 billion, far more than the relative value of the corresponding bullion.